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-->Der Name"Kagan" hat eine ziemliche Ähnlichkeit mit der Titelbezeichnung der Herrscher im Chasarenreich:"Khagan".
Die wird zwar ausgesprochen wie (deutsch) Chagan, aber ähnlich sieht es schon irgendwie aus...

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1. Wer ist R. Kagan


Robert Kagan is a Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He writes extensively on American diplomatic history and the historical traditions that shape American foreign policy today.

Besides being the author of several books, Mr. Kagan is a world affairs columnist for the Washington Post. He is also a contributing editor at the New Republic as well as at The Weekly Standard.


Previously, he worked in the U.S. Department of State as a deputy for policy in the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs and as principal speechwriter to the Secretary of State.


Mr. Kagan received his master’s degree in public policy and international relations from the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, and his undergraduate degree from Yale University. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and is currently based in Brussels.
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2. Anfang des Buches:

Power and Weakness

By Robert Kagan



t is time to stop pretending that Europeans and Americans share a common view of the world, or even that they occupy the same world. On the all-important question of power — the efficacy of power, the morality of power, the desirability of power — American and European perspectives are diverging. Europe is turning away from power, or to put it a little differently, it is moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation. It is entering a post-historical paradise of peace and relative prosperity, the realization of Kant’s “Perpetual Peace.” The United States, meanwhile, remains mired in history, exercising power in the anarchic Hobbesian world where international laws and rules are unreliable and where true security and the defense and promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might. That is why on major strategic and international questions today, Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus: They agree on little and understand one another less and less. And this state of affairs is not transitory — the product of one American election or one catastrophic event. The reasons for the transatlantic divide are deep, long in development, and likely to endure. When it comes to setting national priorities, determining threats, defining challenges, and fashioning and implementing foreign and defense policies, the United States and Europe have parted ways.


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<ul> ~ R. Kagan</ul>