- Für @Dimi - Wer war’s, wann geschah’s, was war los - - Popeye, 26.04.2003, 12:44
- Re: Für @Dimi - Wer war’s, wann geschah’s, was war los - Danke - Dimi, 26.04.2003, 19:36
- Re: Für @Dimi - Wer war’s, wann geschah’s, was war los - Danke - Popeye, 26.04.2003, 20:03
- Re: Herzlichen Dank - ist auch Teil II reinstellbar? - dottore, 27.04.2003, 10:14
- Re: Teil II - Dottore - Dimi, 27.04.2003, 10:45
- Re: Teil II - Dottore - ging auch per Email an Dich (owT) - Popeye, 27.04.2003, 10:51
- Re: Teil II - Dottore - Dimi, 27.04.2003, 10:45
- Re: Für @Dimi - Wer war’s, wann geschah’s, was war los - Danke - Dimi, 26.04.2003, 19:36
Re: Teil II - Dottore
-->...Doubtless the motive was some lucrative business, but, in any case, part of it had to do with the slave trade in women. [54]
One more related example of how minor misperceptions can distort the whole picture. In Tiglath-Pileser I's account of the revolt and submission of Milidia/Melitene, he says:"one 'ass' of lumps of lead as tribute, year after year without stopping, I fixed for them". [55] One will naturally come to rather curious conclusions about the shape of these"lumps" (kirbanu) if one does not realize that an"ass" is a volumetric measure, probably to be read amaru (the reading amar is probable in Ur III and even earlier texts), and used for a pile of bricks. In a nutshell: getting at the"forms" in which metals changed hands is not easy.
To sum up: money played an important role in the economy of ancient Babylonia, and there is good reason to believe that this goes well back into the third millennium. Profit motives are clearly attested in the Old Babylonian evidence, and there is no reason to think that the third millennium was radically different. Silver was the money par excellence from the mid-third millennium onward, and, as in the early centuries of coinage in the Mediterranean, silver was weighed rather than counted. To what extent markets served the function of economic distribution is difficult to determine due to the lacunae in the records and the fact that the cuneiform documents never tell us many things that were simply assumed by them. The new theory of P. Vargyas, which identifies silver containing three carats of alloy with early Achaemenid sigloi not only solves an extremely difficult problem with elegance (as the mathematicians say) but also is an eloquent testimony to the difficulties we face in trying to recreate the real world of ancient Mesopotamia.
Footnotes:
[1] Englund 1990, 16.
[2] Englund 1990, 201.
[3] Cf., e.g., H. Neumann's symposium paper and Neumann 1979, 1992a, 1992b, 1993; Zettler 1992; Sallaberger 1994.
[4] Englund 1990, 199-201.
[5] Englund 1990, 17.
[6] Van de Mieroop 1992, 188-203.
[7] Muhly 1980, 174.
[8] Yoffee 1981, 4-6.
[9] Cf. Snell 1997, 149-151.
[10] Specifically Veenhof 1972, 348-351.
[11] See Powell 1978a, 133-134.
[12] George 1992, 69f. = Tintir V 92f.
[13] George 1992, 18-20, 372f.
[14] Arguing for continuity: Snell 1997, 57; van de Mieroop 1987, 86f., 118f.; 1992, 241f.
[15] Gasche et al. 1998; cf. Adams 1981 ch. 4.
[16] Röllig 1975-76, 29If.
[17] Veenhof 1987, 65.
[18] Wilcke 1990, 302-304.
[19] JCS 37 (1985), 155.
[20] Veenhof 1972, 354.
[21] Van de Mieroop 1992, 188-208.
[22] Wilcke 1990, 304.
[23] Literature in P. Steinkeller, ASJ 1 (1985), 195; cf. M. Sigrist Drehem 1992 112f. and Veenhof 1987, 42 + 65 n. 4.
[24] Englund 1990, 38-42.
[25] Englund 1990, 42-48.
[26] A. Falkenstein, NG II no. 62.
[27] Van de Mieroop 1992, 188-190.
[28] Powell 1990, 93f.
[29] Gelb et al. 1991, chapter 8 + plates 87-166; see now Wilcke 1996 with literature.
[30] Cf. Steinkeller 1989, 92-97 on weighing silver and pages 133-138 on prices in barley and silver.
[31] Powell 1990, 82, 93.
[32] Powell 1979, 83-86.
[33]Lambert1960,122f.+132-135;cf.Hallo,1992,355f.
[34]Powell,1979,107.
[35] J. G. Westenholz, MSL 10 (1970), 49-50.
[36] Kisch 1965; Skinner 1967; Powell 1971, 182-184.
[37] F. Delitzsch, Handel und Wandel in Altbabylonien (Stuttgart 1910), 30-33.
[38] CAD K, 430-432; A. Salonen, Hausgerate der alien Mesopotamier (1965), 191f. + pi. XCVII; J. B. Pritchard, ANEP, fig. 117 + p. 263 = Louvre AO 19221 / 9th century; Kisch 1965, 29-31 fig. 3.
[39] MSL 6, 60f.; Powell 1971, 238-242.
[40] Langdon, JRAS (1921), 575-577; Powell 1971, 255, and note that this Dudu is distinct from the later Dudu, also sanga, with a mina of 497.5, contrary to Powell's assumption on page 198.
[41] Powell 1989-90, 508-517.
[42] Powell 1996, 232f.
[43] Now easily accessible in Reiter 1997, 19-35.
[44] Reiter 1997, 36-42, 53-59.
[45] Powell 1990, 80f. + n. 43.
[46] See already Powell 1990, 80f.
[47] Powell 1990, 8If. n. 17.
[48] Reiter 1997, 26-29.
[49] Powell 1996, 234.
[50] Smith 1924, 150-159.
[51] Powell 1978b, 217-219.
[52] R. Zadok, RGTC 8 (1985), 165: perhaps 130 km. southeast of Shiraz.
[53] Cf. Powell 1996, 237.
[54] Cf. Camb 388 and M. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia (1984), 197 + 353f. [55] See Reiter 1997, 143 for literature.

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