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Michael Perelman wrote:
>I never questioned that markets existed. Nor did Polanyi. The question
>would be the degree to which market forces exerted control over
>ordinary people.
I know that we do not argue about the existence of markets in ancient
times. My point was that (a) I do not think that determining the 'degree
to which market forces exerted control over people' is a question of
'counting markets' (David Feldman additionally has argued that also the
ratio of cash transactions to non-cash transactions is not a measurement
of the importance of the market) and (b) that I do believe that market
forces were a dominant factor in ancient times. Regarding (a) Firstly, I
mentioned the empirical problem of market definition. Secondly, towards
the argument that one can rent wombs or buy human organs nowadays one
could say that there were several markets in ancient times that do not
exist anymore: you could not buy human organs but human beings on slave
markets; most of the ancient soldiers were rented; there was a market for
prisoners of war etc. Markets are just one of many systems of allocation
and in every society there are at the same time different
allocation-systems at work.
What I doubt is the assumption that there is a linear process of growing
market-importance, advancing from 'pre-capitalist' to 'capitalist
society'. Polanyi's (Transformation 1944, 63-64) concept of a socially
'embedded' economy is (for some questions) important but I agree with
Paul Courtney that this also is true for modern economies. Markets have
many dimensions, the 'text book' market is an analytical tool to answer
specific questions, not a historical factum. Ana Maria Bianchi's
interesting remark that a trained sociologist tends to see
discontinuities where economists see continuous lines might have to do
with the specific questions those two groups usually deal.
Regarding (b): My main argument still is that I find the fact that in
almost every civilization legal history begins with regulation of market
results is a strong argument for the importance of market forces in
ancient times. It also is interesting to see that already Aristotle
(Politics 1258b1ff.) regarded the growing importance of 'market economy'
as a new phenomenon. Interesting is also Jack Goldstone's comment that
what Polanyi really was focusing on was only the role of markets for
labor. Michael Gibbons remark about the novelty of Adam Smith's insight
about market efficiency is an interesting and debatable question but a
total different story.
It just seems to me that because of the authority of Polanyi and Finley
the role that markets played in ancient times is heavily underestimated
by many modern scholars (similar to the effect that Schumpeter's
authority regarding the 'Great Gap-Thesis' had for a long time). A lot of
textual evidence in ancient sources and most of the works of modern
historians point into a different direction. Regarding Polanyi's concept
Edward Cohen writes (Athenian Economy and Society: A Banking Perspective,
Princeton: Princeton UP, 1992, p.4):"<italic>Fourth-century Athens was
very different. The Athenians functioned through a market process in
which unrelated individuals... sought monetary profit through commercial
exchange</italic>". Marvin Powell - regarding a much earlier time - comes
to the conclusion (Sumerian Merchants and the Problem of Profit, in: Iraq
39, 1977 p.42):"<italic>This is not to suggest that market economy
dominated third or second millennium Mesopotamian economic processes, but
there is sufficient reason to believe that it was a significant factor in
the total economic picture.</italic>" Morris Silver (Prophets and
Markets: The Political Economy of Ancient Israel, 1983, p.255) regarding
the Polanyi-theses ends his book with the remark:"S<italic>urely, the
time has come to put aside once and for all the view that references in
the Near Eastern sources to prices, buying, selling, and the like are
only the legal fictions of exotic administrative economies monopolized by
temple or palace. Moreover, it is incorrect to characterize ancient Near
Eastern societies as economically unprogressive..... The antimarket
mentality, however, seems to be impervious to evidence, and I have
therefore resigned myself to being accused of an anachronistic approach
as well as an uncritical acceptance of the entrepreneurial role in
economic growth as stated in terms of contemporary economic
theory.</italic>"
Polanyi's and Finley's work was a reaction towards the 'modernistic'
interpretations of the ancient economy of scholars like Rostovtzeff (like
their work was mainly a reaction to Buecher's"Die Entstehung der
Volkswirtschaft"). But I think that it is now time to swing the pendulum
back again.
Und hier noch einschlägige Literatur:
Literatur:
Polanyi, Karl. 1944, 1957. _The Great Transformation: The Political
and Economic Origins of Our Time_. Boston: Beacon Press by
arrangement with Rinehart & Company, Inc. (The Beacon Press
version remains in print and is the version for which page numbers
are given in this essay. The book has been translated into and
published in Hungarian, Chinese, Japanese, French, German,
Portuguese, and Spanish).
Dalton, George. 1961."Economic Theory and Primitive Society,"
_American Anthropologist_ 63 (Feb.): 1-25. [One of the articles
that sparked the formalist-substantivist dispute in economic
anthropology.]
Drucker, Peter. 1979. _Adventures of a Bystander_. New York:
Harper & Row. [This book contains an account of the remarkable
Polanyi family by a friend who knew them in Vienna.]
Duncan, Colin A.M. and David W. Tandy. 1994. _From Political
Economy to Anthropology: Situating Economic Life in Past
Societies_. Montreal and New York: Black Rose Books. [Selection
of papers from annual Polanyi Institute Conference.]
Finley, Moses I. 1978. _The World of Odysseus_. New York:
Viking Press. [Classic application of Polanyi to the ancient world.]
Halperin, Rhoda. 1988. _Economies Across Cultures: Towards a
Comparative Science of the Economy_. New York: St. Martin's
Press.
Mayhew, Anne. 1972."A Reappraisal of the Causes of Farm
Protest in the U.S., 1870-1900." _Journal of Economic History_ 32
(June): 464-475. [Though not acknowledged as such, this was an
application of Polanyi's ideas to the U.S. economy.]
Mayhew, Anne. 1980."Atomistic and Cultural Analyses in
Economic Anthropology: An Old Argument Repeated," in John
Adams, editor, _Institutional Economics: Contributions to the
Development of Holistic Economics_. Boston: Martinus Nijhoff.
McCloskey, Deirdre N. 1997."Polanyi was Right, and Wrong."
_Eastern Economic Journal_ 23 (Fall): 483- 487.
North, Douglass C. 1977."Markets and Other Allocation Systems
in History: The Challenge of Karl Polanyi." _Journal of European
Economic History_ 6 (Winter): 703-716.
Polanyi, Karl, Conrad M. Arensberg, and Harry W. Pearson. 1957.
_Trade and Market in the Early Empires: Economies in History and
Theory_. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press.
Sievers, Allen M. 1974. _The Mystical World of Indonesia: Culture
and Economic Development in Conflict_. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press. [Polanyi applied to development issues.]
Schaniel, William C. and Walter C. Neale. 2000."Karl Polanyi's
Forms of Integration as Ways of Mapping." _Journal of Economic
Issues_ 34 (March): 89-104.
Tandy, David W. 1997. _Traders and Warriors: The Power of the
Market in Early Greece_. Berkeley: University of California Press.
[Recent application of Polanyi to the ancient world.]
LIFE IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST, 3100-332 B.C.E.
Daniel C. Snell
1997 Middle East Studies
288 pp. 84 illus. 6 1/8 x 9 1/4
Cloth ISBN 0-300-06615-5 $35.00
Paper ISBN 0-300-07666-5 $16.90
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